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The Corporate Cartel in the Archery Industry

TL;DR

  • The Archery Trade Association (ATA) and its member companies, including Bass Pro Shops, Cabela’s, Dick’s Sporting Goods, Hoyt, Mathews, Bowtech, and PSE, allegedly ran a coordinated price-fixing cartel affecting the entire U.S. archery market from at least 2014 to the present.
  • The cartel used Minimum Advertised Price (MAP) policies, enforced industry-wide, to lock out price competition and force everyday shoppers to pay artificially inflated prices on bows, arrows, and gear.
  • The ATA served as the command center, hosting secret meetings, building private member-only forums, and even brokering discounts with tech companies that helped members surveil and punish retailers who dared to lower prices.
  • Retailers who sold below the cartel’s price floor faced being cut off from the entire supply chain, making this less a set of guidelines and more a blacklist-enforced shakedown of both smaller dealers and consumers.
  • A class action lawsuit filed in July 2025 on behalf of hundreds of thousands of U.S. archery consumers seeks damages and injunctive relief under the Sherman Antitrust Act, a law that has been on the books since 1890 for exactly this kind of coordinated price-gouging.

The ATA’s own CEO called Bass Pro Shops and Cabela’s his “cohorts in crime” and meant it. That quote, and what happened the moment they joined the board, is documented in full in The Legal Receipts section.

Antitrust Investigation

The Corporate Cartel in the Archery Industry

The trade association for the archery industry, together with companies like Bass Pro Shops, Cabela’s, Dick’s Sporting Goods, and the biggest bow manufacturers in the country, allegedly ran a coordinated cartel for over a decade that stripped price competition from the U.S. archery market and forced millions of everyday hunters and hobbyists to pay rigged prices on bows, arrows, and gear.

This is a class action lawsuit filed on behalf of every American who bought archery equipment at any point since January 1, 2014. The plaintiffs argue that what looked like normal retail pricing was, behind closed doors, the result of secret meetings, private online forums, surveillance software, and supply chain blacklists, all coordinated through a single industry trade group: the Archery Trade Association (ATA).

If the allegations hold, this is one of the most brazen examples of a trade association being converted into a price-fixing machine in recent American legal history, and it happened in plain sight, with deleted web pages and members-only rooms doing just enough to keep the average customer from ever finding out.


How the Cartel Allegedly Worked: The MAP Trap

At the center of this lawsuit is a pricing tool called a Minimum Advertised Price policy, or MAP. On paper, a MAP sounds bureaucratic: a manufacturer sets a floor price below which a retailer cannot advertise a product. In practice, according to the complaint, MAPs became the architecture of a cartel that eliminated price competition at every level of the archery supply chain.

The complaint describes how MAPs work through two reinforcing mechanisms. First, retailers lose the ability to advertise lower prices, which destroys any incentive to actually offer them, since a lower price you can’t advertise to the public won’t bring in enough new customers to be worth it. Second, MAPs set an artificially high baseline from which every price negotiation starts, meaning even when some discounting occurs, the floor has already been rigged upward.

What makes this particularly damning is that the cartel didn’t stop at advertised prices. The complaint documents how many so-called “MAP agreements” were actually MRP (minimum retail price) agreements, meaning they controlled what dealers could actually sell for, not just advertise. If a retailer sold below the floor price, they faced the nuclear option: being cut off entirely from the supply chain.

The Blacklist Was Real and It Was Automated

Defendant Kinsey’s Outdoors, one of just two major archery product distributors in the United States, didn’t just threaten to cut off violators. The complaint reveals Kinsey’s programmed this enforcement directly into its warehouse management system. Justin Gorman, Kinsey’s Director of Sales, confirmed the automation publicly, explaining that the system would “automatically restrict sales to shops that violate MAP,” adding, “It’s not something we need to remember to jot down on a notepad, it’s programmed into the system.”

Beyond individual restriction, Kinsey’s coordinated with manufacturers to build a “do-not-sell” list. Retailers who broke the price floor found themselves unable to purchase the product from Kinsey’s, from other distributors, or directly from the manufacturer. This is not a free market. This is a coordinated lockout.

The Tech Companies That Helped Them Watch Everyone

Two technology companies, Defendant TrackStreet and Defendant Oris Intelligence (later rebranded as PriceSpider), provided the surveillance infrastructure for this cartel. TrackStreet offered “on demand notifications of MAP violations and customizable messages to send to violators.” Oris touted its MAP monitoring product, called Prowl, as “the world’s most advanced MAP monitoring software” and even provided letter templates manufacturers could send to shops that stepped out of line.

The ATA didn’t just recommend these tools. It brokered special discount deals so its manufacturer members could access them at reduced rates, making the surveillance infrastructure cheaper and more accessible to every participant in the conspiracy. The ATA’s own President and CEO went on a podcast in 2019 and called TrackStreet “a huge win for our manufacturing members.”

U.S. Archery Products Market Growth

Retail market value (USD millions) — The cartel’s operational window shown in red $0 $300M $600M $900M $1.2B Market Value (USD) $100M 1974 $535M 2004 $1.2B 2023 Cartel Operating Period Pre-Cartel

Source: Complaint ¶58. The market grew from $100M (1974) to $1.2B (2023) as cartel enforcement allegedly locked in inflated pricing.


The Trade Association That Became a Cartel’s Nerve Center

The Archery Trade Association presents itself to the public as an industry booster, a group dedicated to growing the sport of archery and bowhunting across America. Behind that public face, according to this lawsuit, the ATA functioned as the operational backbone of a price-fixing conspiracy, providing the meeting rooms, the communication infrastructure, the policy templates, the surveillance software discounts, and even the internal justifications for why cartel behavior was good for the industry.

The ATA’s membership grew from 505 organizations in 2000 to over 2,500 by 2023. Eighty percent of those members are part of the archery supply chain: manufacturers, distributors, and retailers who would, in a healthy competitive market, be competing against each other on price. Instead, they were sharing a members-only forum, attending closed trade shows, and sitting on the same board of directors.

The cartel’s inflection point came in 2014. That year, the two largest archery retailers in the United States, Bass Pro Shops and Cabela’s, joined the ATA Board of Directors. Within weeks, the ATA published its “invitation to collude,” a since-deleted communication titled “MAP: United We Stand, Divided We Fall.” The escalation was not a coincidence.

The ATA’s Private Rooms: Where Competitors Made Agreements

In 2017, the ATA launched ATA Connect, a password-protected online forum described as “a safe, confidential space to network and solve industry challenges.” Within that forum, a sub-community called “Retail Growth Interact” gave competing retailers their own locked room to discuss MAP policies, buying patterns, and profit margins. Competitors discussing shared pricing strategy in a confidential space is a textbook definition of the kind of conduct antitrust law was designed to prevent.

The ATA also built a members-only MAP Resource Library, a database of every manufacturer’s price floor policy, accessible only to ATA members. Retailers could log in, see what every major manufacturer required, and align accordingly. This is not education. This is coordination infrastructure.

They Knew It Was Illegal. They Did It Anyway.

The complaint makes clear that ATA members understood exactly what they were doing. As early as 2010, an industry publication noted that coordinated MAP enforcement “would exceed the ATA’s authority,” and a member of the ATA’s own Board of Directors stated publicly that “there’s nothing the ATA can legally do when it comes to enforcement.” Four years later, they did it anyway, and then spent years deleting the evidence.

Starting sometime after June 2021, the ATA scrubbed its website of nearly every reference to its role in the conspiracy. Articles titled “ATA Helps Members Develop MAP Policies” and “ATA Members Weigh in on MAP” vanished. The MAP Resource Library went quiet. Coordination shifted to phone calls, with the ATA actively directing members to “contact the ATA’s business office” to discuss MAPs instead of leaving written records on the public web.

Timeline of the Alleged Conspiracy

Key events from early warning signs to active concealment 2010 Industry publication warns: coordinated MAP enforcement would “exceed the ATA’s authority” Jan 2014 Bass Pro Shops & Cabela’s join ATA Board of Directors Cartel ignition point Dec 2014 ATA CEO publishes “MAP: United We Stand, Divided We Fall” (later deleted from website) Jan 2015 60 industry reps meet at ATA Trade Show to review sample MAP/MRP policy 2016 ATA Retail Council re-established; Trade Show: “The archery industry is uniting as one” Oct 2017 ATA launches MAP Resource Library & ATA Connect members-only forum; brokered TrackStreet discounts 2019 ATA compares MAP enforcement to “hunting coyotes — the season never ends”; TrackStreet podcast promoted 2021+ ATA begins scrubbing website of MAP references; coordination moves to phone calls Jul 2025 Class action lawsuit filed. Cartel alleged to be ongoing.

The Non-Financial Ledger: What Was Actually Stolen

Numbers in antitrust cases are always about the money. But what happened to the hundreds of thousands of Americans who simply wanted to hunt, or compete, or teach their kid to shoot a bow, is a story that doesn’t fit neatly into a damages formula. The archery market in the United States touches roughly 32 million people: 9.9 million bowhunters, 17.6 million recreational archers, and 5.4 million competitive archers. That is approximately 13% of every American over the age of thirteen. These are not wealthy hobbyists shopping for status symbols. This is a deeply rural, working-class tradition, one with roots in subsistence hunting, family heritage, and communities where outdoor recreation is one of the few affordable things left.

The complaint documents that compound bows routinely cost consumers hundreds of dollars, that a six-pack of arrows can run over $100, and that arrowheads can cost around $40 for a pack of three. A parent taking a teenager into bowhunting isn’t buying luxury goods. They’re buying gear that represents a meaningful portion of a paycheck in communities where the “average pay hasn’t moved much in years,” as one industry forum post cited in the complaint puts it. The cartel deliberately engineered a price floor that put the gear further out of reach, year after year, while telling itself this was necessary for industry “health.” That language, industry health, is the kind of language powerful people use when they mean their own profit margins.

The cartel’s logic was explicitly anti-consumer. The ATA described price competition as a “race to the bottom” that needed to be stopped. But lower prices are not the bottom of anything for the person paying them. They are access. When the ATA and its members conspired to eliminate “price wars,” they eliminated the mechanism by which a working-class hunter in rural Minnesota or a competitive archer in a small-town club could afford to participate in their own sport. The betrayal embedded in this conspiracy is that the ATA, which presents itself as an industry steward protecting the future of archery, prioritized a “minimum of 40% profit” for its member retailers over the ability of actual archers to afford what they love.

What also deserves accounting is the betrayal of the smaller, independent dealers who thought they were operating in a real market. Small pro shops, which represent roughly 80% of specialty archery retailers, depended on distributors like Kinsey’s to source their products. They had no seat at the table when the price floor was set. When they tried to compete on price, they were cut off. One retailer in the complaint described it plainly: manufacturers “commonly have MAP pricing we must abide by in order to maintain dealership status.” Independent shop owners built their livelihoods inside a market that had been quietly rigged above them, and the first time they tried to serve their customers with a lower price, they discovered the blacklist waiting for them.


Legal Receipts: The Quotes That Should End Careers

These are direct statements from the source document. They are not paraphrased. They are not taken out of context. They are the industry’s own words, used to describe what they were doing to the market and to the people who bought from it.

“In 2014 the ‘box stores’ were voted onto the ATA Board of Director[s]… Cabela’s and Bass Pro Shops joined us at our January, 2014 meeting. As I look back on the first year of the mega marts joining into our industry discussions, I have to say that if anyone other than [Cabela’s] Tom Gallagher had been involved, we would not have had such a smooth and productive first year. With his cohort in crime, [Bass Pro Shops’] Dean Snelson, Tom quietly and in his unassuming, disarming way… allowed our Board members to see that the box stores shared in our future and, more important, were serious about contributing to the success of the archery and bowhunting industry.” — ATA CEO/President Jay McAninch, reflecting on the addition of Bass Pro Shops and Cabela’s to the ATA Board (Complaint ¶85)
“MAP policies can allow a manufacturers’ cartel to attain greater surplus extraction than a cartel that does not use MAP or RPM and strengthens the dynamic incentives that give the cartel stability. As such, in this setting with search frictions, MAP appears to be a more effective cartel facilitation device than RPM.” — Economist John Asker, cited in Complaint ¶¶23, 143, explaining why MAP policies are worse for consumers than traditional price-fixing
“MAP policies require vigilant enforcement, which means good communications between manufacturers, distributors and retailers… If a company creates a good partnership with its distributors and retailers to catch violators, it can cut them out of the supply chain and force them to look for easier prey… Enforcing MAP will never get easier. That’s why it’s so important for ATA members to work together as much as possible.” — ATA-published article linked from ATA’s Twitter and Facebook accounts, January 2019 (Complaint ¶19)
“We work closely with our vendor partners and retail partners to monitor and enforce MAP policy… Kinsey’s has a very up-to-date and sophisticated warehouse management system, and it allows us to automatically restrict sales to shops that violate MAP. It’s not something we need to remember to jot down on a notepad, it’s programmed into the system… Kinsey’s certainly can’t solve this problem by itself. Everyone needs to pull their own weight, but we are doing all we can to help protect the honest shops that don’t violate MAP, which are the shops that actually get hurt when someone else breaks the rules.” — Justin Gorman, Director of Sales, Defendant Kinsey’s Outdoors, Inc., quoted in Inside Archery, August 2019 (Complaint ¶130)
“[E]ach individual brand has to be on the same page… At the founding of our country, Benjamin Franklin said we must all hang together most assuredly we’ll hang separately… Nobody wants to be the first soldier through the wall… But as soon as a couple big brands hop on, then all of a sudden that provides an umbrella coverage for the rest of the brands to move forward… The work that the ATA has done for the industry itself… I would say is unparalleled in terms of the efforts that the ATA is making.” — Ryan Erickson, TrackStreet, speaking on the ATA’s “Beyond the Bow” podcast, March 20, 2019 (Complaint ¶125)

Societal Impact Mapping

Economic Inequality: Price-Fixing Hits Working-Class Americans Hardest

The U.S. archery market is a $1.2 billion industry (enough to fund school lunch programs for over 600,000 children for a full year). That scale represents the purchasing power of 32 million Americans who participate in bowhunting, recreational archery, or competitive shooting. When a cartel artificially raises the price floor on every product in that market, the burden falls hardest on the people with the least financial flexibility.

The complaint documents that the industry’s own trade association, NABA, instructs its members to “strive for a minimum of 40% profit based on manufacturer’s M.A.P.” That 40% profit target exists not because market forces produced it, but because a coordinated agreement among competitors enforced it. A compound bow that retails for $1,000 to $1,500 (more than many Americans earn in a single week) represents a significant barrier to access for rural hunters and families who rely on bowhunting as part of their actual food supply, not as a recreational luxury.

The complaint also reveals a two-tier economy within the archery industry itself. Large national chains like Bass Pro Shops (approximately 200 locations) and Dick’s Sporting Goods (728 locations) sat at the price-fixing table as architects. Meanwhile, independent small-shop owners, the 80% of pro shops that source through distributors, had the price floor set above their heads and faced automated blacklisting if they tried to serve their customers better. The cartel protected the profit margins of the big players by eliminating the only tool small retailers had to compete: a lower price.

Economists describe what happened here as “supra-competitive profits,” which is academic language for money extracted from consumers beyond what a competitive market would allow. Every dollar of that overcharge is a dollar taken from the customer’s budget that could have gone to rent, groceries, or a child’s next set of school supplies. The complaint states directly that “Archery Products consumers continue to pay artificially high prices” and that this conduct remains ongoing through the filing date of July 2025.

Public Health: Pricing Out a Gateway to the Outdoors

This may not look like a public health story at first. But access to outdoor recreation, specifically hunting and archery, carries real documented benefits: physical activity, mental health, food sovereignty, and intergenerational cultural transmission in rural communities. The complaint notes that archery touches roughly 13% of the U.S. population over age thirteen. The ATA’s own stated mission includes growing participation in archery and bowhunting. That mission is directly undermined when the same organization coordinates to raise the price of entry.

When bows exceed $1,000 to $1,500 and a dozen arrows cost over $80, the sport becomes economically inaccessible to the demographics most likely to rely on bowhunting for food or who most benefit from structured outdoor activity. Youth archery programs, which often depend on donated or affordable equipment, operate in a market where the price floor has been artificially elevated by cartel agreement. The complaint cites consumer quotes calling archery equipment pricing “obscene,” “out of touch,” and “insane,” and documents that dealers themselves acknowledge that “everything in archery is overpriced.” That is the market cartel members built, deliberately, and called it “leveling the playing field.”

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Aleeia
Aleeia

I'm Aleeia, the creator of this website.

I have 6+ years of experience as an independent researcher covering corporate misconduct, sourced from legal documents, regulatory filings, and professional legal databases.

My background includes a Supply Chain Management degree from Michigan State University's Eli Broad College of Business, and years working inside the industries I now cover.

Every post on this site was either written or personally reviewed and edited by me before publication.

Learn more about my research standards and editorial process by visiting my About page

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