Another Monsanto Roundup Lawsuit

Mike Dennis is a homeowner who did what many Americans do. He sprayed weeds around his property with a name-brand product that stores promoted and that regulators allowed. For about twenty years, from 2000 through 2020, he used Roundup once a month around his home.

In June 2020, doctors diagnosed Dennis with mycosis fungoides, a type of non-Hodgkin’s lymphoma. A jury later found that Roundup’s risks were a substantial factor in this cancer and that Monsanto’s failure to warn played a central role in his illness.

The court described a pattern that went beyond one product label. Jurors concluded that Monsanto’s officers, directors, or managing agents engaged in conduct marked by malice, oppression, or fraud, and the trial judge agreed that the evidence showed a reckless disregard for public health and safety.

Monsanto faced a total of $7 million in compensatory damages for Dennis’s suffering and an initial $325 million in punitive damages. The judge reduced the punitive amount to $21 million, yet still emphasized that Monsanto had used its immense resources over several decades to protect profits rather than the safety of ordinary consumers like Dennis.

This case reveals how a global corporation leveraged regulatory complexity and gaps in oversight to keep a hazardous product on the market without an adequate warning, even as scientific evidence around cancer risk mounted.


2. The Corporate Misconduct in Plain View

At the heart of the case is a simple claim. Monsanto sold Roundup in a way that exposed ordinary users to a substantial cancer risk and failed to give them an honest warning. The jury concluded that Roundup carries a risk of causing non-Hodgkin’s lymphoma that was known or knowable in light of generally accepted scientific and medical knowledge at the time Monsanto sold and distributed the product.

Roundup’s main ingredient is glyphosate, a chemical Monsanto discovered in 1970 and marketed as the engine of a “non-selective” herbicide that kills many kinds of weeds.

In 2015, the International Agency for Research on Cancer, an arm of the World Health Organization, classified glyphosate as “probably carcinogenic to humans” and identified non-Hodgkin’s lymphoma among the cancers most associated with exposure. Roundup also contains additional ingredients that increase glyphosate’s absorption through plant leaves and human skin, which means the chemical does not stay confined to weeds.

The jury made a series of specific findings about Monsanto’s conduct. Jurors concluded that the potential risks of Roundup present a substantial danger when the product is used in line with common, widespread practice and that ordinary customers would not recognize this danger. They found that Monsanto knew or should reasonably have known that Roundup could cause or was likely to cause non-Hodgkin’s lymphoma when used as people typically use it.

Jurors also found that Monsanto knew or should have known that users would not realize the danger on their own. They determined that Monsanto failed to provide adequate warnings or adequate instructions for safe use and that a reasonable manufacturer in the same position would have warned consumers or instructed them differently. The jury tied this missing information directly to Dennis’s cancer and concluded that the lack of sufficient warnings was a substantial factor in causing his disease.

The court later summarized additional evidence about Monsanto’s behavior. The judge noted that Monsanto’s responses to scientific studies and potential reclassification by regulatory agencies showed not only a failure to fully investigate the risk but also active efforts to limit research and shape scientific discussion about Roundup’s dangers. The record supports an inference that gaps in knowledge about risk grew from Monsanto’s own actions to suppress or narrow the scientific conversation.

This combination of hidden risk, missing warning, and aggressive management of the science moved the case beyond a routine product dispute. The jury found that Monsanto’s conduct met the legal standard for malice, oppression, or fraud and that senior corporate leaders drove or ratified this approach. These findings opened the door to a large punitive damages award grounded in corporate misconduct rather than a simple mistake!


3. Timeline of What Went Wrong

The court record traces a long arc from the birth of glyphosate to Dennis’s diagnosis and the final appellate ruling. The timeline below highlights the key milestones that frame the misconduct in this case and the regulatory context around it!

Year / DateEventWhy It Matters To Corporate Accountability
1970Monsanto discovers glyphosate, the active ingredient in Roundup.Establishes Monsanto’s long-term control over a powerful chemical used worldwide.
Early 1970sEPA takes over pesticide registration from the Agriculture Department; Congress later expands FIFRA in 1972 into a more comprehensive safety law.Creates a shared federal–state framework where EPA approves labels, and misbranding rules require health-protective warnings.
2000Mike Dennis begins applying Roundup monthly around his home, using it throughout the year.Shows long-term, routine exposure by an ordinary consumer following widespread practice.
2000–2020Dennis continues monthly Roundup use around his property.Demonstrates two decades of cumulative exposure during the period when Roundup’s risks were knowable!
2015International Agency for Research on Cancer classifies glyphosate as “probably carcinogenic to humans” and links it to non-Hodgkin’s lymphoma.Provides a clear cancer signal from a major public health body and heightens Monsanto’s duty to respond and warn.
2019EPA issues a letter stating that products using a specific Proposition 65 cancer warning for glyphosate would be considered misbranded, while later acknowledging that companies could seek label changes.Shows a confusing regulatory stance that Monsanto relied on rhetorically while still retaining the ability to seek stronger warnings.
June 2020Dennis receives a diagnosis of mycosis fungoides, a form of non-Hodgkin’s lymphoma.Anchors the human harm at the center of the case and connects it to years of Roundup use.
2021 (case filed)Dennis files suit in California state court alleging design defect, failure to warn, and negligence.Begins a legal challenge that questions Monsanto’s labeling, its handling of risk, and its treatment of the scientific record.
Jury verdict (pre-2025)Jury finds Monsanto liable, awards $7 million in compensatory damages and $325 million in punitive damages.Signals a community judgment that Monsanto’s conduct was dangerous and deserving of punishment beyond compensation!
Post-trial rulingTrial court reduces punitive damages to $21 million yet describes Monsanto as a multibillion-dollar company that used its vast resources over decades to protect profits over safety.Confirms a judicial finding of “highly reprehensible” conduct while adjusting the penalty to fit constitutional limits.
November 24, 2025California Court of Appeal affirms the judgment and rejects Monsanto’s attempts to escape liability through federal preemption and due process arguments.Solidifies the verdict and sends a signal that state-law failure-to-warn claims can hold pesticide manufacturers accountable despite federal registration.

This timeline shows one thread running consistently through the case. Monsanto controlled a powerful chemical for decades, confronted mounting evidence of cancer risk, and yet continued to sell Roundup without a cancer warning while shaping the science and regulatory narrative in its favor.


4. Regulatory Capture, Loopholes, and Corporate Social Responsibility

The legal fight over Roundup turned on more than scientific evidence. Monsanto argued that federal pesticide law preempted Dennis’s state-law claims and tried to use its relationship with federal regulators as a shield. The company pointed to the Federal Insecticide, Fungicide, and Rodenticide Act (FIFRA) and to EPA-approved labels as proof that it had already met its obligations.

The court dismantled this argument step by step. FIFRA requires pesticide labels to carry warnings and directions that are adequate to protect health, and the law treats a product as misbranded if its label omits warnings or instructions necessary to keep people safe. Registration and label approval serve only as prima facie evidence of compliance and do not provide a defense when a label leaves out a necessary health warning!

The judges also described how Monsanto interacted with the EPA on the science. Monsanto never asked EPA to approve a cancer warning for Roundup and instead repeatedly supplied evidence and arguments meant to dispute the connection between glyphosate products and lymphoma. Dennis presented evidence that Monsanto misrepresented the science to the agency and worked to influence the regulatory narrative, and the jury and trial court accepted that view.

This dynamic echoes a broader pattern familiar under neoliberal capitalism. Regulatory agencies often rely on data and interpretations supplied by the very companies they regulate, which gives large firms leverage to shape scientific baselines and delay stricter rules. When corporations treat regulatory approval as a branding tool and a litigation shield instead of a floor for safety, regulatory systems drift toward capture and away from genuine corporate social responsibility.


5. Profit-Maximization at All Costs under Neoliberal Capitalism

The trial court’s language about Monsanto’s motives is blunt.

The judge described Monsanto as a multibillion-dollar company that intentionally used its vast resources over several decades to protect profits over the safety of ordinary consumers and concluded that the company showed a reckless disregard for public health.

Punitive damages exist to punish this type of behavior and to deter repeat offenses. The jury initially set punitive damages at $325 million, an amount the trial judge later reduced to $21 million while still recognizing Monsanto’s conduct as highly reprehensible. The adjusted award maintains a strong signal that the company treated the risk of cancer as a cost of doing business rather than a trigger for serious change.

This behavior fits a standard profit-maximization script in a neoliberal economy. Corporations face constant pressure to preserve revenue streams and shareholder value, and executives often treat potential health risks as variables in a financial model rather than as moral red lines. When the cost of stronger warnings, reformulation, or withdrawal exceeds the expected cost of lawsuits and public criticism, the incentive structure pushes toward denial and delay.

The evidence the trial court summarized shows how those incentives played out in this case. Monsanto did not simply fail to investigate Roundup’s risks aggressively; the court found that Monsanto worked to limit research and shape scientific discourse about the product’s dangers. That strategy protects revenue in the short term because it blunts calls for warning labels and product changes, and it also preserves a narrative of safety that supports ongoing sales.

Under neoliberal capitalism, legal compliance often becomes a marketing claim rather than a baseline duty. Corporations highlight EPA registration and formal label approval as proof of safety even when the underlying law explicitly treats registration as only a preliminary sign of compliance. In that context, the same regulatory system that was designed to prevent misbranding becomes a public relations tool that helps companies defend aggressive profit strategies.

Monsanto’s push to avoid a cancer warning on Roundup illustrates this logic. The company never asked EPA to approve a label that reflected the cancer concerns raised by outside science and instead contested the link at every turn. The appellate court viewed Dennis’s lawsuit as a necessary mechanism to enforce the underlying duty to warn, since the formal regulatory process had not produced a label that protected health.


6. Economic Fallout and the Price of Corporate Misconduct

The most immediate economic fallout in this case falls on Dennis himself. The jury awarded $2 million in past noneconomic damages and $5 million in future noneconomic damages to reflect his pain, suffering, and loss of quality of life from a chronic cancer diagnosis.

Noneconomic damages do more than mark emotional harm. They signal the long-term costs of a disease that may affect a person’s ability to work, care for family, and participate fully in daily life. When a company’s product becomes a likely contributor to a serious illness, those private costs become part of the broader economic footprint of corporate misconduct.

Punitive damages add another layer to the financial picture. The final punitive award of $21 million represents a deliberate effort by the court to impose a penalty that would be felt by a multibillion-dollar company without crossing constitutional limits. The court also considered earlier punitive awards in other Roundup cases and Monsanto’s ongoing conduct, including the continued sale of glyphosate-based products without a cancer warning and the absence of steps to address interference with scientific analysis!

These damages influence economic behavior beyond Monsanto. Large verdicts and sustained appellate opinions send a price signal that treating health risks as a disposable cost is dangerous for a company’s bottom line. When courts uphold punitive damages tied to malice and suppression of science, they shift the calculus for firms that might otherwise treat litigation as a manageable fee for carrying on business as usual.

In a broader neoliberal context, this case highlights the way costs are distributed when corporate oversight fails. Public health systems, families, and workers absorb the long-term medical and economic burden of illnesses potentially linked to widely used products. Lawsuits like this one become one of the few tools communities have to push some of those costs back onto the corporations that profited from risky practices.


7. Environmental and Public Health Risks from Corporate Pollution

The scientific details in the record focus on health risk rather than on detailed environmental contamination. The legal court explains that Roundup’s main ingredient, glyphosate, is “probably carcinogenic to humans” under a major international classification and that non-Hodgkin’s lymphoma is among the cancers associated with exposure. It also notes that Roundup’s additional ingredients increase glyphosate absorption through human skin, which raises the stakes for not-very-good stuff.

The jury concluded that Roundup’s potential risks present a substantial danger to people when used in line with widespread and commonly recognized practice. That conclusion covers everyday activities such as spraying driveways, fence lines, and gardens, which millions of consumers treat as routine chores. The court’s discussion treats this as a human health risk embedded in regular life rather than a hazard limited to industrial settings.

Under FIFRA, a pesticide is misbranded when its label fails to provide warnings or caution statements necessary to protect health. The opinion emphasizes that this duty includes adequate instructions for use and health warnings that reflect the best available scientific and medical knowledge at the time of manufacture and distribution. Monsanto’s failure to update its label or seek an amended registration in light of emerging evidence created an information gap that left users exposed.

This case centers on a single plaintiff, yet the court’s reasoning extends to every product on store shelves that depends on a similar regulatory model. When corporations treat scientific doubt as a branding problem rather than as a reason to warn, the burden falls on consumers who rarely have the resources to independently assess complex toxicology. That dynamic turns public health into a field of quiet experimentation carried out on households and communities without their informed consent.

The court’s affirmation of Dennis’s verdict sends an important public health message. It confirms that federal registration does not erase a manufacturer’s responsibility to update labels and share new risk information. It also reinforces the idea that state courts can play a crucial role in enforcing health protections when regulatory agencies move slowly or rely heavily on industry-supplied data.


8. Exploitation of Workers in a Pesticide Economy (Contextual Analysis)

The legal opinion in Dennis’s case focuses on a homeowner’s exposure rather than on farmworkers or factory employees. The record does not detail worker injuries, wage issues, or specific workplace conditions inside Monsanto or its distributors.

Even so, the same patterns that appear in this case often shape the experience of workers in pesticide-dependent industries. When a company pushes a product while minimizing or challenging evidence of harm, workers who mix, transport, and apply these chemicals often face similar or greater risks with even less power to refuse. Under neoliberal capitalism, labor is treated as a flexible input, and safety measures can become optional line items that compete with cost-cutting goals.

The misbranding rules at the center of this case exist in part to protect those workers. A label that accurately describes cancer risks and provides robust safety instructions can influence training, protective gear, and workplace practices across agricultural and landscaping jobs. When a company fails to issue candid warnings, that failure ripples outward to every person whose job depends on the product’s alleged safety.

Dennis’s case shows how an individual lawsuit can expose systemic vulnerabilities. A single plaintiff forces scrutiny of the product label, the data behind regulatory decisions, and the internal choices a company made when confronted with emerging science. Those same issues determine whether workers at the bottom of the supply chain receive meaningful protection or carry invisible risks home to their families.


9. Community Impact: Local Lives Undermined by Corporate Ethics Failures

The judgment highlights Monsanto’s disregard for the health and safety of the public as a central reason for upholding punitive damages. The court pointed to evidence that Monsanto interfered with the development of scientific analysis of its product and did not take steps to correct that interference, even as Roundup remained widely available.

This finding has direct implications for communities that live with broad pesticide use. When a company shapes scientific discourse in ways that understate risk, local governments, school districts, and homeowners’ associations make land-use and maintenance decisions based on incomplete information. The result is a subtle form of environmental and public health policy written by corporate strategy rather than by community consent.

Dennis represents the visible edge of a larger community risk. He is one individual who invested time and personal strength into a lawsuit that pulled internal decisions into public view. Many others who used Roundup in similar ways may lack the resources or legal support to pursue claims, which means their illnesses remain private tragedies rather than public evidence in court records.

The court’s opinion underscores the importance of state-level remedies for community protection. By rejecting Monsanto’s preemption arguments, the judges preserved the ability of residents to challenge corporate misbranding in their own courts even when a federal agency has registered the product. This shared authority becomes a critical tool for communities that want real corporate accountability and not simply a stamp of approval on a package.


10. Wealth Disparity, Corporate Greed, and Neoliberal Capitalism

This case sits squarely within a landscape of extreme wealth disparity. Monsanto appears here as a multibillion-dollar company that can deploy vast legal, scientific, and public relations resources, while Dennis stands as a single individual facing a serious cancer diagnosis. The court’s description of Monsanto’s choice to protect profits over safety for “several decades” captures an imo devastating imbalance of power and risk!

Punitive damages respond to that imbalance. The $21 million punitive award aims to send a financial message strong enough to matter to a global corporation while still relating to the $7 million in compensatory damages for Dennis’s suffering. At the same time, the company can absorb that cost far more easily than an individual can absorb a cancer diagnosis, which shows how wealth protects corporate actors even when courts intervene.

Under neoliberal capitalism, profit-driven firms operate inside a system that rewards risk-taking and cost externalization. When an evil company like Monsanto chooses to limit research, shape scientific discourse, and resist warnings while continuing to sell a product associated with serious disease, those actions amplify existing inequalities. The financial benefits of Roundup’s sales accrue to shareholders and executives, and the health costs fall on individuals, families, and communities with far less economic power.

Monsanto is now owned by Bayer, which is in my opinion the single most evil corporation in the world.

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NOTE:

This website is facing massive amounts of headwind trying to procure the lawsuits relating to corporate misconduct. We are being pimp-slapped by a quadruple whammy:

  1. The Trump regime's reversal of the laws & regulations meant to protect us is making it so victims are no longer filing lawsuits for shit which was previously illegal.
  2. Donald Trump's defunding of regulatory agencies led to the frequency of enforcement actions severely decreasing. What's more, the quality of the enforcement actions has also plummeted.
  3. The GOP's insistence on cutting the healthcare funding for millions of Americans in order to give their billionaire donors additional tax cuts has recently shut the government down. This government shut down has also impacted the aforementioned defunded agencies capabilities to crack down on evil-doers. Donald Trump has since threatened to make these agency shutdowns permanent on account of them being "democrat agencies".
  4. My access to the LexisNexis legal research platform got revoked. This isn't related to Trump or anything, but it still hurt as I'm being forced to scrounge around public sources to find legal documents now. Sadge.

All four of these factors are severely limiting my ability to access stories of corporate misconduct.

Due to this, I have temporarily decreased the amount of articles published everyday from 5 down to 3, and I will also be publishing articles from previous years as I was fortunate enough to download a butt load of EPA documents back in 2022 and 2023 to make YouTube videos with.... This also means that you'll be seeing many more environmental violation stories going forward :3

Thank you for your attention to this matter,

Aleeia (owner and publisher of www.evilcorporations.com)

Also, can we talk about how ICE has a $170 billion annual budget, while the EPA-- which protects the air we breathe and water we drink-- barely clocks $4 billion? Just something to think about....

Aleeia
Aleeia

I'm the creator this website. I have 6+ years of experience as an independent researcher studying corporatocracy and its detrimental effects on every single aspect of society.

For more information, please see my About page.

All posts published by this profile were either personally written by me, or I actively edited / reviewed them before publishing. Thank you for your attention to this matter.

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