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New Jersey Galvanizing Only Paid $63,800 for Three Years of Illegally Toxic Secrecy

EvilCorporations.com  |  Environmental Crimes  |  Right to Know

Three Years. Three Toxic Secrets. $63,800 to Make It Go Away.

A metal factory in one of New Jersey’s most polluted cities used a classified toxic chemical above federal reporting limits for three consecutive years and told no one — not the EPA, not the state, and not the Newark residents breathing the air outside its gates.

The Law Was Clear. They Ignored It Anyway.

The Emergency Planning and Community Right-to-Know Act, passed in 1986 after industrial disasters killed thousands of people worldwide, has one core principle: communities deserve to know what toxic chemicals are being used in their neighborhoods. It is not a suggestion. It is federal law, and it requires industrial facilities to file annual Toxic Release Inventory reports detailing every listed chemical they manufacture, process, or use above certain thresholds.

New Jersey Galvanizing and Tinning Works operates at 139 Haynes Avenue in Newark, NJ 07114, manufacturing galvanized metal products under NAICS code 332812. The facility employs ten or more full-time workers. According to the EPA’s own findings, the company used nickel — a federally listed toxic chemical under 40 C.F.R. § 372.65 — above mandatory reporting thresholds in 2021, 2022, and 2023.

For the 2021 and 2022 reporting years, the company missed the July 1 annual deadline by more than a full year each time. For the 2023 reporting year, the company filed 106 days late. Three separate violations, three separate years, one company that knew exactly what it was required to do and chose not to do it.

“A company in Newark used a toxic metal above legal limits for three years and simply… didn’t tell anyone. That’s the whole story.”

Why Nickel Matters in This Context

Nickel compounds are classified as known human carcinogens. Occupational and community exposure to nickel and its compounds is linked to lung cancer, nasal cancer, and respiratory disease. The federal TRI system exists precisely to track this kind of exposure so regulators, researchers, and communities can act.

When a facility withholds its TRI reports, it does not just break a bureaucratic rule. It actively erases data from the public record that scientists, environmental advocates, and health departments rely on to identify cancer clusters, pollution hotspots, and cumulative exposure burdens. Three years of missing data from one facility in Newark is three years of a community flying blind about what it is breathing.

Violation Timeline: How Many Days They Were Late

0 100 200 300 400 Days Late (Minimum) 365+ days 2021 (Reporting Year) 365+ days 2022 (Reporting Year) 106 days 2023 (Reporting Year) * 2021 and 2022 shown at 365-day minimum. Actual lateness may exceed this figure.

The Non-Financial Ledger

What You Can’t Put a Dollar Figure On

Newark, New Jersey is one of the most environmentally overburdened cities in the United States. It sits inside Essex County, where decades of industrial activity, highway pollution, and environmental neglect have left residents — the majority of whom are Black and Latino, and many of whom live below the poverty line — with some of the highest asthma rates, cancer rates, and toxic burden scores in the entire state. The community around 139 Haynes Avenue did not choose to live next to a galvanizing plant. Economic segregation put them there, and industrial disregard kept them in the dark about what was happening inside it.

The Emergency Planning and Community Right-to-Know Act was written after a catastrophic industrial gas leak in Bhopal, India in 1984 killed thousands of people overnight because no one in the surrounding community had any idea what chemicals the plant was using. Congress passed EPCRA to make sure American communities would never be in that position. New Jersey Galvanizing and Tinning Works stripped Newark residents of that protection for three consecutive years. The company’s failure was not an accident or an oversight — it persisted across three separate annual deadlines, each requiring a conscious decision not to file.

When a facility goes unreported in the TRI database, the damage ripples outward in ways that never make the settlement paperwork. Environmental justice advocates and legal aid attorneys use TRI data to build cases for communities demanding cleanup or compensation. Public health researchers use it to trace disease patterns. Parents use it to make decisions about whether to open windows, let kids play outside, or push back against a school siting near a factory. Every year New Jersey Galvanizing withheld its nickel usage data, it deleted a piece of the evidentiary record that Newark’s most vulnerable residents depend on to fight back.

The settlement agreement allows the company to “neither admit nor deny” the specific factual allegations the EPA itself documented. Robert Gregory, the company’s president, signed on that line and walked away. The people of Newark get no acknowledgment that their community’s right to information was violated. They get no apology. They get no remediation of the missing data’s downstream consequences. They get a $63,800 (roughly what it costs to send one kid to college for two years) penalty paid to the federal government, none of which flows back into their neighborhood. The harm was done to them. The fine goes somewhere else entirely.

“Three years of toxic secrecy. One community kept in the dark. A penalty that doesn’t even reach six figures. Newark deserved better than this.”

Legal Receipts: Straight From the Document

They Signed It. Here’s What It Says.

Societal Impact Mapping

Public Health: Newark Already Had a Poison Problem

Newark is not an arbitrary location. It is one of the most industrially impacted cities in New Jersey, a state that has repeatedly identified Essex County communities as facing disproportionate environmental health burdens. Nickel compounds — specifically nickel refinery dust and nickel subsulfide — are classified as Group 1 carcinogens by the International Agency for Research on Cancer, meaning the evidence that they cause cancer in humans is unambiguous. Long-term inhalation exposure is associated with cancers of the lung, nasal cavity, and sinuses.

The TRI system is a cornerstone of cumulative impact assessment. When public health officials try to understand why a neighborhood has elevated cancer rates or unusual rates of respiratory disease, they cross-reference industrial TRI reports against health outcome data. New Jersey Galvanizing’s three-year reporting blackout created a gap in that data that cannot be retroactively filled with full accuracy. Researchers and advocates working to document health disparities in Newark were working with incomplete information for at least three years because this company chose not to file.

Newark residents already face layered exposures from multiple industrial sources, highways, legacy contamination, and substandard housing. Environmental health researchers call this “cumulative burden” — the compound effect of living in a place where every source of pollution adds to the last. One facility withholding its data does not just hide one source; it corrupts the entire cumulative picture that policymakers need to allocate cleanup resources and health interventions. The harm is multiplied across every other data point that depends on completeness.

Economic Inequality: The Penalty Proves the Point

The fine of $63,800 (roughly what it costs to send one kid to college for two years, or about 13 months of median rent in Newark) is the federal government’s stated price for three years of illegal toxic secrecy from an industrial manufacturer. That number is the clearest possible expression of who the regulatory system is designed to protect. It is low enough that a company can absorb it as a cost of doing business without any meaningful disruption to operations.

Compare that to what enforcement could have looked like. Under EPCRA Section 325(c), the maximum penalty per day of violation is substantial. Three separate violations spanning multiple years — with two violations each lasting more than 365 days — could have generated a penalty many times larger than the settled amount. The $63,800 (equivalent to about 1,275 hours of minimum-wage work in New Jersey) settlement represents a heavily discounted exit ramp for a company that broke the law repeatedly.

The community that was harmed by the reporting failure receives nothing from the settlement. Not a single dollar of the $63,800 (equivalent to about a year’s salary for a Newark public school teacher’s aide) flows into air quality monitoring, community health screening, or environmental remediation in the Haynes Avenue neighborhood. The penalty goes to the federal government’s general fund, the corporation pays a manageable fee, and the residents of a low-income Newark neighborhood absorb the full weight of three years of information deprivation with zero direct compensation.

The Cost of a Life Metric

Settled Penalty vs. Illustrative Maximum Exposure (Per-Day Violations)

$0 $250K $500K $750K $1M+ Settled Penalty Illustrative Maximum* $63,800 >> Off Chart * Illustrative maximum based on per-day EPCRA penalty rates across 836+ total violation days. Not a binding legal calculation. Penalty Amount (USD)

What Now?

The People Named in This Document

Named Corporate Leadership

  • Robert Gregory — President, New Jersey Galvanizing and Tinning Works. Gregory signed the Consent Agreement on August 12, 2025, binding the company to the settlement terms. He is the named contact for all ongoing EPA communications regarding compliance.

Regulatory Watchlist

  • U.S. EPA Region 2 (New York/New Jersey) — The body that initiated and settled this enforcement action. They have ongoing jurisdiction and the settlement explicitly preserves their right to pursue further action if the company misrepresented anything or fails future compliance obligations.
  • New Jersey Department of Environmental Protection (NJDEP) — TRI reports are required to be submitted to the state as well as the EPA. NJDEP has independent authority to pursue state-level enforcement.
  • EPA TRI Program — The public database where facilities must now file going forward. You can look up any facility at TRI.EPA.gov and check whether New Jersey Galvanizing files on time going forward.
  • OSHA Region 2 — Nickel exposure is also an occupational hazard. The workers inside this facility have their own exposure rights under federal workplace safety law. OSHA can investigate independently of the EPA.

What You Can Actually Do Right Now

Search TRI Explorer at TRI.EPA.gov and look up every industrial facility within a mile of where you live, go to school, or work. The data is public and searchable by address. If a facility near you has gaps in its reporting history, that is a red flag worth raising with your local environmental justice organization, your city council member, and your state environmental agency.

Connect with environmental justice groups doing this work on the ground in Newark — organizations like the Ironbound Community Corporation and New Jersey Environmental Justice Alliance have been fighting industrial pollution in Newark neighborhoods for decades. They need volunteers, donors, and people willing to show up to public comment meetings and zoning hearings where these fights actually get won or lost.

Settlements like this one are the product of a regulatory system that chronically undercharges corporations for public harm. The long-term fix is political: push your representatives to increase EPCRA penalty caps, fund EPA enforcement staff, and create direct community compensation mechanisms so that when a company breaks the right-to-know law, the money goes to the people who were harmed — not to the federal general fund.

The source document for this investigation is attached below.

You can view that above EPA consent agreement and final order by visiting the EPA’s website: https://yosemite.epa.gov/OA/RHC/EPAAdmin.nsf/Filings/F34D069EF63AC9C185258CE5007A356D/$File/NJGalvanzing254105CAFO.pdf

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Aleeia
Aleeia

I'm Aleeia, the creator of this website.

I have 6+ years of experience as an independent researcher covering corporate misconduct, sourced from legal documents, regulatory filings, and professional legal databases.

My background includes a Supply Chain Management degree from Michigan State University's Eli Broad College of Business, and years working inside the industries I now cover.

Every post on this site was either written or personally reviewed and edited by me before publication.

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